
Disraeli’s speech to the National Union of Conservative Associates, on 24th June 1872, was a reaction to the changing demographic of the Conservatives traditional supporters, the Liberals view on the values of empire and economy and whether Britain needed an empire to counter the perceived threat posed by American economic growth, Germany’s defeat of France in 1870 and Russian expansionism. In essence Disraeli was arguing that the expansion of empire would lead to a secure future determined by “moral and political obligations”. (Disraeli, 1872)
In the Crystal Palace speech in 1872, Disraeli argued that the Conservative party was determined by its traditional supporters, (the landed gentry), the Church and capitalism. His appeal to capitalism, which was heavily invested overseas, especially in the Americas (USA and Argentina) and importing wheat and other products grown in Americas and Russia, had significantly dissipated the landed gentries position nationally. (P.J. Cain & A.G. Hopkins Pp.197). However, the Conservatives were still dominated by landowners with 45.9% of its members of parliament coming from this sector in 1868, but by 1892 that figure had decreased to 24.1% of its members of parliament, with 22.5% coming from commerce. (Source J.A. Thomas, The House of Commons 1832-1901, (found in P Cain & A. Hopkins (1993) Pp139)). This change in Tory parliaments membership lead to arguments about the value of empire to Britain, not just among Conservatives but also among Liberals who had differing arguments to the value of empire to the nation.
Arguments against imperialism could be found among some of the foremost thinkers. In the Liberal Party Gladstone followed the ideas found in Cobden’, whose view was that empire was a colossal waste of money. Others such as Adam Smith (c. 1723-1790) believed that trade monopolies within colonies made manufacturers inefficient and would lead to unbalanced economies that produced substandard products that were more expensive. Other arguments against Britain’s imperialism could be found in enlightenment rationalism. The secession of the United States from Britain in 1783, the French Revolution (1789) and the Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen (1789). However an argument pervaded that members of societies outside Europe were not capable to intellectually manage their own affairs. Stuart Mill (1806-1873) believed in the hierarchy of nations and that it made economic sense that settler colonies would be a market for British exports. (Sullivan, 1893).
Disraeli, admitted that Britain had “lost money by our colonies […] was so truly costly as the possession of India”. (1872, Disraeli), but he argued that there were other considerations and arguments such as security for both nation and colonies, In essence Disraeli is attacking Gladstone who believes the colonies should be self-governing, which would lead to self-finance and Britain as a superior manufacturer, would export to these countries, which Gladstone believed should be self governing, or at least self-financing.
There was a fear in Britain of the power of other empires, it was also a fear of the unknown, Froude believed that Britain and the empire could be walled in by other powers that protect their economies through tariffs, which would lead to economic failure in the British empire, while these other powers would become stronger in wealth and population. (Cain & Hopkins (1993) Pp.206). Disraeli argued that self-government of the colonies was right but it should be part of a “great policy of imperial consolidation […] the securities for the people of England”. (Disraeli (1872)).
An argument for the Tories change of heart in support of the empire was electoral, in the south of the country, which was an area increasingly connected to the colonies through investment and employment, there was a strong convergence of industrial and economic policy in support of empire as it was seen as being important to the success of the party in the 1872 general election. The change of heart by the Tories who had believed that empire and colonisation was expensive and would lead to tax rises was a core argument up until 1872, and that empire building was a waste of money and prohibitively expensive especially in imperial expansion.
This argument could be contrasted with the Liberal Party who believed in free trade and were distrustful of any attempts to unite the empire economically or through military expansion, and found expansion as morally repugnant and was also a home for anti-imperialist sentiment. The Tories whose main concern until 1868 had been cost of the empire, challenged Gladstone when he tried to cut defence expenditure, which led to the Tories finding support among colonial intellectuals, journalists and other professionals. What had undermined Gladstone were new demands made by civil and military for expenditure to support the expense of empire. In the 1867 budget, Gladstone had ignored military expenditure, which gave Disraeli the ammunition to challenge Gladstone in the 1872 Crystal Palace speech to challenge Liberal government who he claimed “ viewed everything in financial aspect, and totally passing those moral and political considerations which make nations great”. (Disraeli (1872)).
Cynically, it could be thought that Disraeli had realised that empire was a popular movement among the British electorate, and had made the Crystal Palace speech in 1872, to win the general election, but by supporting empire, Disraeli was challenging the traditional Tory power-base who were the landowners, the possibility of high taxation and the Tories own instinct to oppose the high costs that were necessary for imperial expansion (A.N. Porter (1987)). Furthermore, the Tories were arguing against the Liberals policy for Free Trade and were supportive of restrictive trade, which meant that the Tories had become staunch supporters of imperialism, whereas the Liberal party had provided a platform for dialogue among its members, who were anti-imperialist in sentiment.
Bibliography
Lawrence. P. (2008) Empires of the mind. The Open University, Milton Keynes, United Kingdom.
Mills, J.S. (1861) Considerations on Representative Government, London.
Porter. A.N. (1987) Salisbury, The man and his policies, 1860-1900.
Smith, A. (1776) An inquiry into the nature and causes of wealth of nations, London, W. Strahan & T Cadell.
Sullivan, E. (1983) ‘Liberalism and imperialism: J.S. Mills defence of the British empire’, Journal of the History of ideas, vol.44, no4, pp.599-617.
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